How Did Marriage Evolve during the 1960s and 1970s? By Amy Worcester

ATV Today, ‘Police Wedding’ (ITV, 9/7/1970), Media Archive for Central England

During the twentieth century, marriage developed from being an institution of convenience to one of love and romance. Langhamer has called the twentieth century the time of ‘emotional revolution.’[1] This ‘emotional’ culture was due to post-war reconstruction, when a loving family was seen as important in bringing Britain back from the horrors of war.[2] Therefore, ‘love’ became a dominant requirement when choosing future spouses.[3] The Women’s Liberation Movement had a big impact on the institution of marriage, as many of the legislation passed granted women more rights within marriage.[4] In this atmosphere of equality, marriage evolved into being an equal contract. This promise of equality created a more ‘symmetrical’ family, with wives entering the workforce, and husbands becoming more ‘homebound.’[5] However, although marriage developed culturally with new ideas of equality, in reality it was still very male dominated. Vox pop interviews made for the television programmes Midland Montage and ATV Today reveal how it was the ‘wife’ who was expected to maintain a ‘happy marriage.’ In the vox pops, many of the respondents are women because the questions are directed at women. Therefore, it can be argued that ideas on marriage did evolve during the 1960s and 1970s, but wives were still dependent on their husbands.

In this culture of the ‘emotional revolution,’ love held no bounds.[6] As Lane argues, marriage changed from the Victorian ideal of practical partnerships, to the 1960s culture of love and romance.[7] Langhamer’s research shows how marital experts of the 1960s saw ‘love as an increasingly dominant requirement within spousal selection; the factor to which all consideration should give way.’[8] In this atmosphere of love, there was an increase in mixed-race couples. This increase was due to idea that love ‘knows no colour bar.’[9] The 1970 ATV Today item ‘Police Wedding’ is an example of a mixed-race couple who have married for their love.[10] During the fifties and sixties there was hostility towards interracial relationships. As Clive Webb has investigated, during the 1950s mixed-race marriages ‘generated more heat and roused deeper and fiercer passions than any other aspect of the race/colour situation.’ However, unlike the United States during this time, mixed race-couples could and did marry in Britain. By the early 1970s interracial relationships became more accepted because of the ‘emotional revolution’, which led people to marry for love rather than for practical advantages.[11] In the case of the ‘Police Wedding,’ the couple’s marriage is accepted because of love. This acceptance is seen in the way their police colleagues are there to celebrate the newlyweds. The footage presents the couple positively, seen when the camera films their colleagues joking around with them.[12] The fact that this couple’s wedding was reported in the news, suggests mixed-race couples were rare but were slowly becoming more common and accepted by the early 1970s. Yasmin Brown cites a survey conducted in 1963 that revealed interracial marriages had been recorded in 84 of 1,000 church parishes.[13]

ATV Today, ‘Police Wedding’ (ITV, 9/7/1970), Media Archive for Central England

In this culture of love and romance, marriage was an unavoidable idea. Langhamer argues that romantic love was increasingly positioned as a key resource upon which post-war selfhood was built.[14] In a Spare Rib article in 1972, ‘Family Everafter,’ Michelene Wandor describes this culture of love in Britain: ‘the whole of our upbringing, education and entertainment lead us to believe that love and marriage do indeed go together like a horse in carriage.’[15] From an early age, especially for girls during this period, marriage was the aim in life. A 1956 marriage survey revealed that 94 per cent of 14-year-old girls and 69 per cent of boys anticipated marrying in the future.[16] This education on love and romance saw more young couples getting married in the 1960s. Langhamer has described this period as the ‘golden age’ of marriage.[17] The 1960 Midland Montage vox pop on ‘Marriage Minded Maidens’ explores marriage at a young age.[18] Interestingly, most of the women who are asked by the interviewer when they would get married say they would wait until they were 21 or 25. There are only two women in the film who were already married at the young age of 18. Although most of them say they would want a career first, it is implied that all the women want to get married. This is suggested in how the questions are directed at women and all of the respondents are women.

Midland Montage, ‘Marriage Minded Maidens’ (ITV, 21/1/1960), Media Archive for Central England

Langhamer argues that staying single in this period was widely viewed as a denial of a woman’s destiny of being mother and wife.[19] By 1970 only eight per cent of women aged between 45 and 49 had never been married.[20] The 1977 ATV Today vox pop on a ‘Happy Marriage’ reveals how it was often assumed that women and men in a couple were already married.[21] The interviewer takes a straightforward approach, by asking random people on the streets about their marriage, without knowing if they were married. All of the respondents asked are either in a marriage or have been married. This suggests that during this period marriage was popular due to the culture of ‘love at first sight.’ It also reveals how women were still expected to get married at some point in their lives, although, in the atmosphere of the Women’s Movement, marriage was thought of increasingly in terms of equality.

Equal partnership became the main concept of a modern marriage. As Sandbrook argues, the relationship between spouses began to evolve from living in ‘separate spheres’ to where couples did everything together.[22] Lane’s article ‘Not the Boss of One Another’ argues that this equal partnership developed among all social classes. The working classes developed more middle-class traits due to improvements in housing, shorter working hours and higher wages that contributed to a more home-centred lifestyle.[23] A 1969 ATV Today vox pop item, which asked the question, ‘Does your husband chat you up in the evenings?’, reveals how this equal contract was developing for many people, while for others marriage was still very male dominated.[24] The first respondents, who appear to be upper class, do not expect their husbands to talk to them if they have had a hard day at work, saying, ‘it depends on what sort of day he has had, if he is prepared to talk, I am prepared to listen.’ An older woman has the same response saying that she does not bother anymore, because she does not expect her husband to talk to her after his ‘hard day at work.’ This reveals that for many the wife was still a servant to her husband’s needs. In the 1972 article ‘Family Everafter’ in the feminist magazine Spare Rib, Wandor describes how the new promise of an equal contract in marriage was appealing, but realistically it does not work, ‘because of the woman’s economic and psychological dependence on her husband, she is sexually dependent, continuing to need and want his approval’.[25] The ATV footage and the article reveal that, even by 1972, equality within marriage had not fully developed for all British couples. However, the vox pop does present a woman who has equal status to her husband. This sense of equality is seen in her response, as she says she would be depressed and upset if her husband refused to talk to her, and if he did she would know something was up.[26] Therefore, it can be said that the ideal marriage in the 1960s and 1970s was based on the concept of equal partnership. However, in reality, the husband was still the dominant figure in many families.

By the 1960s, the working wife began to develop within a modern marriage. McCarthy argues that the working wife became part of the culture of equality.[27] This change in marriage has been described by Langhamer as the ‘democratisation of love.’[28] McCarthy has studied how sociologists at the time argued optimistically that the employment of ‘wives strengthened marriage through the material security guaranteed by a second wage and by building a greater commonality of interest between spouses’.[29] In the ATV Today footage of the ‘Police Wedding’ the couple have a shared interest, both being police officers.[30] The 1978 Daily Mail article ‘Happiness is a Working Wife’ looked into the benefits of a married woman working, suggesting that ‘she is more fulfilled, independent and interesting for her husband and children’. The article cites Professor Robert Rapoport in persuading the reader on the benefits of married women working, with the conclusion being that it prevented ‘boredom building up into marital violence and stress and led to a more harmonious married life.’[31]

The 1960 Midland Montage vox pop on ‘Marriage Minded Maidens’ reveals how in the early 1960s the idea of the ‘working wife’ had not yet fully developed.[32] This is presented in how many of the women say they want to have a career first before entering marriage. One woman explains how she has been studying for seven years and does not want to give it up and would rather be in a good position and in a good job before thinking about marriage. As Sandbrook has investigated, in the 1950s and into the early 1960s working wives were said to be selfish and unnatural for putting their own ambitions above the needs of their children and husband.[33] The 1960 vox pop reveals how this idea of working wives being ‘selfish’ was still present, with many of the women choosing to have a career while they remain unmarried.

Midland Montage, ‘Marriage Minded Maidens’ (ITV, 21/1/1960), MACE

In the atmosphere of the Women’s Liberation Movement of the 1970s, there was an increase in ‘working wives’. In 1971, 52.6 percent of women worked in Britain; by 1979 this increased to 56.9 percent.[34] However, although more than half of women aged between 16 and 64 were now working by the end of the 1970s, women were still economically dependent on their husbands. The Spare Rib 1972 article ‘Family Everafter’ argues that ‘most women […] are either totally or partially dependent on their husbands. If they work they are either paid at a lower rate, have jobs of a lower status or work part-time, thus earning an income secondary to their husbands.’[35] This article suggests that even if a wife was able to work she would still be dependant on her husband. As Sandbrook and McCarthy have investigated, many men still wanted their wives to stay at home and look after them and the children.[36]

The ‘sexual revolution’ has been iconic in the study of the 1960s. As Brown argues, the 1960s marked an important decade in the ‘long sexual revolution’, manifested in ‘radical sexual behaviour’ amongst the unmarried.[37] The talk of ‘sex’ became central to 1960s culture. This focus on sex is seen in the introduction of the contraceptive pill for married women in 1961.[38] The introduction of the pill, meant married women could enjoy sex without the risk of falling pregnant every time. For marriage experts, the satisfaction of both spouses was equally important in the making of a happy marriage. Akhtar and Humphries argue that sexual expectation was high; a marriage without good sex was not a happy marriage.[39] After the Divorce Reform Act of 1969, there was a huge increase in divorces. By 1978 one in three marriages had ended in divorce.[40] The rise in divorces saw the rise of paranoia around the institution of marriage. The 1977 Daily Mail article ‘I Thee Wed… Till My Next Love Do Us Part’ shocks the reader with claims like, ‘Divorces last year rose by more than 6,000 to a total of 126,700.’[41] Strimpel argues that by 1980 there was a rise of single people, which was due to the rise of divorcees.[42] The paranoia over the institution of marriage that resulted saw an increase in advice within the media on how to save a marriage. Amongst marital experts, good sex was the main component in saving marriages from divorce.

ATV Today, ‘Vox Pops on a Happy Marriage’ (ITV, 16/2/1977), MACE

In the ATV Today vox pop on a ‘Happy Marriage’, the theme of good sex is in question after the publication of the book Total Joy.[43] The interviewer asks the people of Birmingham, ‘should wives phone up their husbands and say that they want their bodies?’ Interestingly, the question insinuates that ‘wives’ should take more of a role in maintaining a good sex life for the benefit of their marriage. This sense in inequality in the question is mentioned by two of the women, one saying, ‘Well, it’s okay if they want to, but it would be good if the man did the same as well.’ The last woman asked, mentions that she is about to get divorced, which changes the subject of the question to, ‘do you think if you rang up your husband at work saying that you wanted his body, would have made a difference.’ The inequality of the question is highlighted as the woman responds, ‘No, definitely not. But if he’d done that to me, that might have done.’ This interview reveals that although the question asked exposes the inequalities in marriage, it does reveal that by 1977 many women expected their husbands to take an equal responsibility in maintaining a happy marriage.

ATV Today, ‘Vox Pops on a Happy Marriage’ (ITV, 16/2/1977), MACE

In conclusion, the ideas of marriage began to evolve during the 1960s and 1970s. For many married couples during these decades, marriage was meant to be founded on love. The footage of the ‘Police Wedding’ reveals how love held no bounds.[44] New ideas on marriage made it unavoidable, especially to women, during the 1960s. Women were now promised that they would have equal status to their husbands.[45] Although it can be said that ideas about marriage evolved during these decades, in practice it was still very male dominated. The vox pops and Spare Rib article reveal how the survival of marriage was down to women. The questions asked are always directed at women, meaning many of the respondents in the vox pops are women. By the time of the 1977 vox pop on a ‘Happy Marriage’, it is possible to see the evolution of equality, especially on the subject of sex. Wives now expected their husbands to take on equal responsibility in maintaining a happy marriage.

 

Notes:

[1] Claire Langhamer, The English in Love: The Intimate Story of an Emotional Revolution’ (Oxford, 2013), 1.

[2] Laura King, Family Men Fatherhood and Masculinity in Britain, c. 1914-1960 (Oxford, 2015), 89.

[3] Langhamer, English in Love, 25

[4] King, Family Men, 123.

[5] Helen McCarthy, ‘Women, Marriage and Paid Work in Post-war Britain,’ Women’s History Review, 26:1 (2017), 45-52 (47).

[6] Clive Webb, ‘Special Relationships: Mixed-race Couples in Post-war Britain and the United States,’ Women’s History Review, 26:1 (2017), 110-129 (111).

[7] Margaret Lane, ‘Not the Boss of One Another: A Reinterpretation of Working-Class Marriage in England, 1900 to 1970,’ Cultural & Social History, 11:3 (2014), 441-459, (442).

[8] Langhamer, English in Love, 25.

[9] Webb, ‘Special Relationships,’ 111.

[10] ATV Today, ‘Police Wedding’ (ITV, 9/7/1970), Media Archive for Central England (hereafter MACE), University of Lincoln, http://www.macearchive.org/films/atv-today-09071970-police-wedding.

[11] Webb, ‘Special Relationships,’ 112-114.

[12] ATV Today, ‘Police Wedding’.

[13] Webb, ‘Special Relationships,’ 114.

[14] Claire Langhamer, ‘Love, Selfhood and Authenticity in Post- War Britain,’ Cultural & Social History, 9:2 (2012), 277-297 (278).

[15] Michelene Wandor, ‘Family Everafter,’ Spare Rib, 5 (1972), 10.

[16] Langhamer, English in Love, 91.

[17] Langhamer, English in Love, 4.

[18] Midland Montage, ‘Marriage Minded Maidens’ (ITV, 21/1/1960), MACE, University of Lincoln, http://www.macearchive.org/films/midland-montage-21011960-marriage-minded-maidens.

[19] Langhamer, English in Love, 4.

[20] Langhamer, English in Love, 4.

[21] ATV Today, ‘Vox Pops on a Happy Marriage’ (ITV, 16/2/1977), MACE, University of Lincoln, http://www.macearchive.org/films/atv-today-16021977-vox-pops-happy-marriage.

[22] Dominic Sandbrook, White Heat: A History of Britain in the Swinging Sixties (London, 2006), 688.

[23] Lane, ‘Not the Boss of One Another,’ 441.

[24] ATV Today, ‘Marriage Vox Pops’ (ITV, 20/5/1969), MACE, University of Lincoln, https://vimeo.com/139694716 (log-in required).

[25] Wandor, ‘Family Everafter,’ 10.

[26] ATV Today, ‘Marriage Vox Pops’.

[27] McCarthy, ‘Women, Marriage and Paid Work’, 46.

[28] Langhamer, English in Love, 3.

[29] McCarthy, ‘Women, Marriage and Paid Work’, 47.

[30] ATV Today, ‘Police Wedding.’

[31] Antony Smith, ‘Happiness Is a Working Wife,’ Daily Mail, 16 February 1978, 3.

[32] Midland Montage, ‘Marriage Minded Maidens’.

[33] Sandbrook, White Heat, 694

[34] ‘Female Employment Rate (aged 16 to 64, seasonally adjusted)’, Office of National Statistics, https://www.ons.gov.uk/employmentandlabourmarket/peopleinwork/employmentandemployeetypes/timeseries/lf25/lms.

[35] Wandor, ‘Family Everafter,’ 10.

[36] Sandbrook, White Heat, 695; McCarthy, ‘Women, Marriage and Paid Work’.

[37] Callum Brown, ‘Sex, Religion, and the Single Woman c. 1950-75: The Importance of a “Short” Sexual Revolution to the English Religious Crisis of the Sixties,’ Twentieth Century British History, 22:2 (2011), 189-215 (190).

[38] Miriam Akhtar and Steve Humphries, The Fifties and Sixties: A Lifestyle Revolution (London, 2002), 177.

[39] Akhtar and Humphries, Fifties and Sixties, 174, 186.

[40] John Stevenson, ‘I Thee Wed… Till My Next Love Do Us Part,’ Daily Mail, 7 July 1977, 3.

[41] Stevenson, ‘I Thee Wed’, 3.

[42] Zoe Strimpel, ‘Computer Dating in the 1970s: Dateline and the Making of the Modern British Single’, Contemporary British History, 31:3 (2017), 319-342 (323).

[43] ATV Today, ‘Vox Pops on a Happy Marriage.’

[44] Webb, ‘Special Relationships,’111.

[45] McCarthy, ‘Women, Marriage and Paid Work’, 47.

Vox Pop Interviews Concerning Enoch Powell in the 1960s and 1970s. By Willem Lewis-Henderson

Controversial Speech by Enoch Powell, Midlands News (ATV, 27/8/1968), MACE, University of Lincoln. http://www.macearchive.org/films/midlands-news-27081969-controversial-speech-enoch-powell

During the twentieth century, Britain experienced the arrival of thousands of peoples moving into the country from around the world. Most of these people were from the British Commonwealth and a large amount of these people were non-white immigrants after the 1948 British Nationality Act gave commonwealth the right to settle in the country. The West Midlands, in particular, received the greatest number of non-white immigrants from the West Indies.[1] The area was already facing crises in housing and job shortages, but the arrival of a large amount of people into the area caused tensions in local communities. From these tensions, political figures rose to prominence, such as Enoch Powell, who used and sometimes stoked these tensions for political advantage by speaking what others ‘don’t have the nerve to say’, according to some local people.[2] The Media Archive for Central England (MACE) holds a great deal of material related to Powell from vox pop interviews to recordings of his speeches, for which he is best known. This essay will use a selection of clips, including some short interviews, to analyse how Powell and his views on non-white immigration were presented on Midlands television. Alongside this, it will argue how this form of primary source material is both interesting and important for studies of this kind because it provides a unique window onto the views of everyday people. Also, studies of Powell and immigration in this period are of particular relevance today because of the recent Windrush scandal, as well as some people, such as Tomlinson, arguing that the current political climate resembles that of Powell’s day, with parties like UKIP who see ‘themselves to be the victims of a globalisation that has outsourced jobs outside the country and to immigrants inside’.[3] Additionally, with help from scholarship, this essay will contextualise the archive material used. The clips analysed range from 1968 to 1974, which are the years in which Powell was most outspoken in his views on the large amount of immigration facing Britain.

Enoch Powell is an important figure for exploring the effects of non-white immigration into the Midlands and Britain as a whole. He is representative of many of the tensions which emerged in the region, particularly the West Midlands in the Birmingham and Wolverhampton areas where Powell represented in parliament as MP for Wolverhampton.[4] He is most well known for his 1968 speech known as the ‘Rivers of Blood’ speech. Powell argued that further integration of non-white immigrants into Britain would cause violence. Thus, he argued that stricter immigration laws should be introduced and that immigration should actually be reversed to some extent. Although the speech was considered controversial at the time by many, Powell was supported by many people in his local area, as will be seen in interview clips analysed.[5] Joe Street believes Powell was able to ‘tap into the latent fears of dark strangers’ in the West Midlands.[6] As well as this, he was able to build on the views which developed from the MP for Smethwick (near Birmingham), Peter Griffiths, whose campaign during the 1964 general election criticised non-white immigration to gain his seat in Parliament. The criticisms of immigration into the West Midlands targeted issues such as shortages in housing, employment and schools, even though, as Lindsey points out, the region was already facing these shortages before the large amount of immigration and thus the area follows the trend of blame being placed onto non-white minorities.[7] It is interesting to see how these views are expressed by members of the public in some of the clips analysed. Focusing the research on Enoch Powell allows an insightful look into how racial tensions manifested in the West Midlands during the twentieth century. It is clear that Powell was a very recognised person in the area because there is a lot of material in the archive concerning him. Furthermore, there are numerous vox pop interviews on the subject of Powell and none of the interviewees do not know who he is.

The clips used in this essay are mostly vox pop interviews. ATV News, from which the clips are taken, began using vox pops in 1956 and used them very frequently throughout the twentieth century. Kathleen Beckers, Stefaan Walgrave and Hilde Van den Bulck have described a vox pops as ‘an apparently randomly chosen, ordinary individual with no affiliation, expert knowledge or exclusive information, who is interviewed by journalists and gives a personal statement in a news item’.[8] They are simple, quick and easy ways for television journalists to engage with public opinion on news stories and topics. They are somewhat symbolic of ATV’s style of gathering news stories at the time, as they had a limited budget and had to gather local stories for broadcast quickly. The vox pop also allowed journalists to record and present the views of more ordinary people rather than the more elite sources which had been used traditionally. Vox pop interviewees can be replaced by any other member of the public.[9] This makes the interviews useful for historians because the views of ordinary peoples are particularly targeted whereas in many sources that view is left out. Additionally, the television journalist and broadcaster has full control over the balance of the views presented in news clips containing vox pops. This is useful because we can see if the reporter has attempted to make reports balanced or not. This could be through having a balanced number of ‘for or against’ interviewees, or by having a range of different types of people interviewed. This is important for this era of television broadcasting because BBC and ITV were attempting to keep news broadcasting balanced and not present any one point of view too strongly. Therefore, vox pop interviews are useful for presenting the views of ordinary people while also showing us how balanced or unbalanced certain topics were reported on.

Enoch Powell Vox Pops, ATV Today (ATV, 26/7/1965), MACE, University of Lincoln. http://www.macearchive.org/films/atv-today-26071965-enoch-powell-vox-pops

The first of the clips analysed has simply been labelled ‘Enoch Powell Vox Pops’ by the archive. Like many of the clips found in MACE it is not a complete news report. However, the questions and answers from interviewees are as they would have appeared in the broadcast. The questions in this clip are focused on asking residents of Wolverhampton whether or not they think Enoch Powell would make a good leader of the Conservative Party. This video is from 1965 which is three years before Powell’s controversial speech which made him well known, nevertheless it is clear from the clip that Powell is familiar in the area. Of all the eleven people interviewed on the street, only one is not in favour of Powell becoming the party leader. The majority believe him to be ‘strong’, ‘dynamic’ and would be able to show the rest of the Commonwealth that ‘England is wonderful’ if he was to become the leader of the party in 1965.[10] It is interesting to see that Powell was already an established name in the area before his ‘Rivers of Blood’ speech made him well known across the country. It is unclear from this clip if the interviewees were in favour of Powell due to his views on immigration because they only go as far as to mention his characteristics and not his political views. This shows that Powell may have been widely respected by people in the West Midlands before he made his views on immigration explicit in 1968. It is clear from these, however, that the interviewer was not wholly attempting to supply a balanced report with these vox pops. It could be that the reporter was unable to find many people who were against Powell becoming Conservative Party leader, but the overwhelming opinion presented in this clip is supporting Powell, which does not present a balanced account of views. Alongside this, in response to his own question being directed back at him, the reported says that he also has ‘hope’ that Powell will be successful. This without doubt shows an unbalanced report and furthermore implies that Midlands television represented Powell in a positive way, in this occasion supporting him possibly becoming Conservative Party leader. Powell was unsuccessful in his bid for party leadership and Edward Heath became the Conservative leader in 1965.[11]

Vox Pops on Latest Enoch Powell Speech, Midlands News (ATV, 10/6/1969), MACE, University of Lincoln. http://www.macearchive.org/films/midlands-news-10061969-vox-pops-latest-enoch-powell-speech

Powell made many speeches against immigration during the 1960s and 1970s after the ‘Rivers of Blood’. Many were considered just as controversial and were reported upon in Midlands News. The second clip takes place in 1969 in response to suggestions that the government could pay for non-white immigrants to travel back to the countries from which they migrated.[12] Again, this clip is comprised of vox pop interviews, but this time the interviewer has seemingly targeted non-white immigrants to represent their view on the idea. This in some way goes against the idea that a vox pop interviewee can be replaced by any member of the public, however the interviewees are not prepared for the interviews therefore it can still be considered vox pop interviews.[13] There are mixed reactions: some say they will go if they are paid to leave and all of their property is paid for. Others say they would not go home even if the government paid the full amount. They say that there is nothing for them ‘back home’ and some say that they enjoy living in England and so would not leave. A student says he will probably return home after his studies. One woman says that if she wants to go back she will pay her own way so it would be her own choice. This clip is interesting because it shows a great range of different peoples from a shopkeeper to a student. This implies that to some extent the views of non-white immigrants are represented well by ATV in this instance. This could be important for studying racial tensions caused by immigration in the Midlands during the 1960s and 1970s because it shows how not everyone was supportive of Powell’s views. Powell was not supported on the whole nationally either, as newspapers from the time show how even his own political party saw him as tending to ‘stir up’ racial tensions.[14] The Daily Express reported that members of the same Shadow Cabinet Powell was a part of ‘did not agree’ with the way Powell made his arguments.[15] Although not shown in this clip, many people in the Midlands did support Powell. Therefore, it can be said that the Midlands is important for looking at racial tensions in the period because views similar to Powell’s were not reciprocated by politicians from other areas of Britain and thus evidence of particular racial tensions could be missed without the Midlands. The clips analysed, however, do not make reference to how Powell was not supported by his party in regards to his controversial views on immigration. The second clip shows how Midlands television was attempting to represent the views of non-white immigrants during the period. Although, again it can be argued that the clip was not balanced as it only shows the perspective of immigrants.

Resignation of Enoch Powell, ATV Today (ATV, 8/2/1974). MACE, University of Lincoln. http://www.macearchive.org/films/atv-today-08021974-resignation-enoch-powell

The third clip is concerned with Powell’s resignation from the Conservative Party in 1974 and shows how some of the local sentiment remained unchanged from the first clip from 1965. This meant that Powell left his office in Wolverhampton and the clip begins with an interview with Robin Pollard, the Conservative agent for Wolverhampton.[16] This clip was broadcast in colour, which ATV began to do in 1969. Pollard praises Powell for the work he did for his constituency. He is not worried about getting a new candidate to replace Powell but says it is unlikely that there will be someone as individual and successful as Powell. Pollard represents what can be considered an ‘elite’ source for news interview as he is qualified on the subject and cannot be replaced by anyone.[17] The second half of the clip turns to vox pop interviews to find the views of ordinary people on the street. They begin with a lady outside a local shop, who is ‘heartbroken’ and says Powell is a ‘far-seeing man’. A second woman says he spoke his mind on issues and expressed what many people felt, which seems to mirror the views of the man from the first clip. Kassimeris and Jackson explain that Powell was seen by many as the politician that was ‘courageous’ enough to speak the opinions of the ordinary working-class person on the issues of immigration.[18] A man says he has worked hard for Wolverhampton for a very long time, which suggests this man supported Powell before and during his ‘Rivers of Blood’ controversy. Another woman says he was a ‘sick man’ so thought it was coming, which seems to show some balance in a report with mostly positive things to say about Powell. A final man also says that Powell said what a lot of people were thinking and just had the nerve to speak out, which supports Kassimeris and Jackson. Independent television, like the clips found in the MACE archive, quickly became popular after its creation in 1955 and was able to break the BBC’s monopoly on broadcasting.[19] As well as this, television had grown to have more authority than other forms of mass media during this stage of the twentieth century.[20] Therefore, news reports such these are important for the ways they represent views on topics. Especially considering Beckers, Walgrave and Bulck’s argument that views expressed in vox pops by ordinary people are more likely to be agreed with by viewers because they feel their views are supported by others.[21]

To conclude, it has been shown through news clips taken from the MACE archive why the Midlands is important for the study of racial tensions during the 1960s and 1970s caused by non-white immigration. The clips show how controversial views expressed by one of the region’s most prominent and controversial politicians were represented and dealt with on local independent television. Furthermore, it has been considered why vox pop interviews are important as they help to indicate the views of ordinary people as well as indicating how news broadcasters attempted to balance their news reports. Additionally, the clips help to show to what extent ATV was attempting to represent the large amount of non-white people who had immigrated into the region during the twentieth century.

 

Notes

[1] Lydia Lindsey, ‘The Split-Labor Phenomenon: Its Impact on West Indian Workers as a Marginal Working Class in Birmingham, England, 1948-1962’ The Journal of Negro History 78(2) (1993), 83-109, 86.

[2] ‘Enoch Powell Resignation’, ATV Today (ATV, 8/2/1974), Media Archive for Central England (MACE), University of Lincoln, http://www.macearchive.org/films/atv-today-08021974-resignation-enoch-powell.

[3] Sally Tomlinson, ‘Enoch Powell, Empires, Immigrants and Education’, Race Ethnicity and Education 21(1) (2008), 1-14.

[4] Robert Shepherd, Enoch Powell: A Bibliography (London, 1996), 78-103.

[5] Amy Whipple, ‘Revisiting the “Rivers of Blood” Controversy: Letters to Enoch Powell’, Journal of British Studies, 48(3) (2009), 717-735 (717-718).

[6] Joe Street, ‘Malcolm X, Smethwick, and the Influence of the African American Freedom Struggle on British Race Relation in the 1960s’, Journal of Black Studies 38(6) (2008), 932-950 (933).

[7] Lindsey, ‘The Split-Labor Phenomenon’, 86.

[8] Kathleen Beckers, Stefaan Walgrave and Hilde Van den Bulck, ‘Opinion Balance in Vox Pop Television News’, Journalism Studies 19(2) (2018), 284-296 (284).

[9] Beckers, Walgrave and Bulck, ‘Opinion Balance in Vox Pop Television News’, 285.

[10] ‘Enoch Powell Vox Pops’, Midlands News (ATV, 26/7/1965), MACE, University of Lincoln, http://www.macearchive.org/films/atv-today-26071965-enoch-powell-vox-pops.

[11] Chas Early, ‘July 27, 1965: Edward Heath is the surprise new leader of the Conservative Party’ On This Day BT.com 28 April 2017 [Online Resource] http://home.bt.com/news/on-this-day/july-27-1965-edward-heath-is-the-surprise-new-leader-of-the-conservative-party-11363994287360 Accessed 17 March 2018.

[12] ‘Vox Pops on Latest Enoch Powell Speech’, Midlands News (ATV, 10/6/1969), MACE, University of Lincoln, http://www.macearchive.org/films/midlands-news-10061969-vox-pops-latest-enoch-powell-speech.

[13] Beckers, Walgrave, Bulck. ‘Opinion Balance in Vox Pop Television News’, 285.

[14] Arthur Butler, ‘”Curb Immigrants” Powell Sensation’, Daily Express, 10 February 1968.

[15] Arthur Butler, ‘Challenge to Powell’, Daily Express, 4 October 1968.

[16] ‘Enoch Powell Resignation’, http://www.macearchive.org/films/atv-today-08021974-resignation-enoch-powell.

[17] Beckers, Walgrave and Bulck, ‘Opinion Balance in Vox Pop Television News’, 285-288.

[18] George Kassimeris and Leonie Jackson, ‘Negotiating Race and Religion in the West Midlands: Narratives of Inclusion and Exclusion during the 1967-69 Wolverhampton Bus Workers’ Turban Dispute’, Contemporary British History 31(3) (2017), 343-365 (343).

[19] Catherine Johnson and Rob Turnock, ‘Introduction: Approaching The Histories of ITV’, in Catherine Johnson and Rob Turnock (eds.), Independent Television Over Fifty Years (Maidenhead, 2005), 1-13: 1.

[20] Gavin Schaffer, The Vision of a Nation: Making Multiculturalism on British Television, 1960-80 (London, 2014), 67.

[21] Beckers, Walgrave and Bulck, ‘Opinion Balance in Vox Pop Television News’, 285-288.

How Were Post-war Youth Sub-cultures Represented in the Media? By Sarah Bothamley

Cheltenham Mods and Rockers, ATV Today (ATV, 28/9/1965), MACE, University of Lincoln. http://www.macearchive.org/films/atv-today-28091965-cheltenham-mods-and-rockers

Throughout the post-war era, Britain witnessed unquestionable improvements to living standards through full employment and comprehensive welfare provisions, which mainly benefitted the young.[1] Young people in the 1960s were perceived to be iconic figures, not only because of what they achieved but how they personified so many issues of society.[2] To outline what this essay means by ‘young people’, Mark Abrams’s comprehensive definition asserts that youth was limited ‘from the time they leave school until they marry or reach 25’.[3] Throughout this period some young people organised themselves into a succession of youth sub-cultures: the Teddy Boys, Mods and Rockers. In an analysis of three videos from ATV Today and Midlands News from the Media Archive for Central England (MACE), this essay will explore how these youth sub-cultures were presented in the media by news programmes from the 1950s to the 1970s. The first clip is a recording from Midlands News on a Ted’s speech at the Teddy Boys Conference, who wants to form a youth association, first broadcast on 3 November 1958.[4] The second video from ATV Today examines Teddy Boys in Birmingham after the post-war era shown in 17 August 1973.[5] The final footage, also from ATV Today, investigates the tensions between the Mods and Rockers after the recent disturbances, aired on 28 September 1965.[6] All three clips reveal the growth of youth sub-cultures within the post-war era, or at the very least amongst those in the Midlands.

The 1950s and 1960s were both the outcome and personification of the wider cultural as well as social changes. Before the 1960s men were expected to get a job, get married, have children and live a happy life.[7] The departure of this societal expectation enabled young men to have the freedom to experience their youth. Moreover, this notion of new-found youth was motivated by the increase of real earnings unconstrained by the responsibility to contribute to the overall family wage. Certainly, young male manual workers benefited the most from this change.[8] Whilst young men witnessed a transformation in disposable income, young women’s jobs within domestic service were replaced with clerical work, which expanded to employ in 1964 nearly 40 per-cent of girls aged 15 to 17.[9] Despite this expansion, young women continued to earn less than their male peers. Yet, most young people had sufficient spending money, and the newly created ‘teenage girl’ became vital to the success of the consumer market.[10] Evidently, the freedom from the expectation from contributing to the family encouraged young people to spend their money on consumer goods. However, Mike Brown argues that some families still relied on their children wages.[11] This suggests that not all teenagers experienced complete freedom to spend their wages as they pleased. Nevertheless, it did signify a difference from the austerity witnessed during the previous decade, when it would have been considered sheer luxury not to contribute to the family income. Therefore, teenagers had limited freedom to spend their wages on consumer items. Although consumerism was not a new concept in the post-war era, Britain’s position within world trading had declined with the domestic consumer market becoming progressively dominant to the economy.[12] Instead of buying ‘white goods’ (televisions and fridges) which had dominated adult consumerism in the 1950s, teenagers now spent their money on records and clothes.[13] The development of consumerism which propelled an affluent society combined with the emerging youth sub-cultures was vital to the transformation of the teenager. Though, Richard Grayson maintains that the affluent teenager was problematic for several reasons: ‘it made young people less subject to parental control, as they became financially independent at a younger age and it promoted a sense of individualism focused on material acquisition’.[14] Yet Selina Todd discredits this by contending that post-war teenagers were ‘not constructed by the popular or social investigator but by the aspirations of working-class parents’.[15] Evidently, the encouragement from parents demonstrates that they supported the active nature of youth culture. Although both historians disagree over whether teenagers were perceived to have a positive impact on society, they do agree that the concept of the teenager had been firmly established by the post-war era. Ultimately, the framing of young people as consumers in conjunction with being involved in youth culture as a social problem has focused on the moral and cultural disorder.

Teddy Boys Conference, Midlands News (ATV, 3/11/1958), MACE, University of Lincoln. http://www.macearchive.org/films/midlands-news-03111958-teddy-boys-conference

Teddy Boys were the first collective youth sub-culture to make their mark with defiance and anger, thus promoting moral panic with society as well as the media.[16] Teddy Boys in the early 1950s wore clothes that were intended for young upper-class men. Nevertheless, Tony Jefferson noted the adoption of the upper-class style as representative of an illogical ideal from the Teddy Boys, ‘who were destined for lower paid jobs and manual labour’ but attempted to raise their status through buying clothes.[17] Hence this suggests that Teddy Boys were predominately from working-class backgrounds and were ambitious to move up social classes. Indeed, Arthur Marwick argues that, despite their intentions for social mobility, it was only (the later) Mod style that spread up the class structure, whereas Teds were excluded.[18] Failure of the Teddy Boys to utilise social mobility demonstrates that not all youth sub-cultures could disguise their class origins. Furthermore, this confirms that Teds could not promote social progress unlike other youth groups, thus this group was not as influential as previously thought. Regardless of this, Teddy Boys began to emerge in the media in the early 1950s, with the first mention within the press being in The Times on 25 June 1954, describing how ‘a 13-year old boy who established a reign of terror and carved the initials T.B (Teddy Boy) with a knife on the arms of four schoolmates’.[19] This concept that a Teddy Boy cut into the flesh of his ‘innocent’ victims conveys a powerful image, which strongly enforced the idea of the delinquent youth in 1950s mainstream culture.[20] The media played a vital role in cultivating this troublesome image through describing the moral and cultural disorder in their reports which focused on Teddy Boys’ actions of criminality, violence and sexual promiscuity. Indeed, the speech by a Ted at the ‘Teddy Boy Conference’ captured by Midlands News on 3 November 1958 revealed how the group would gather on ‘street corners and be moved on by the police’.[21] Though this broadcast provides an insight into how the sub-culture came to be associated with troublemakers, it also highlights how the Teddy Boys wanted to be more organsied into a collective group. The Ted speaker further claims how they want to ‘form an association including our friends at Leamington and other places, we will be as one body’.[22] Midlands News’s coverage of the Teddy Boy Conference is similar to the national press, with both reports revealing how the Teds have been perceived to be a problem within society. Both reports have publicised the disorder created by the Teddy Boys. Yet the Midlands News report does differ from the national news by presenting an alternative stance of the Teds, aspiring to belong to a united youth sub-culture, which indicates the intention for them to be not only considered more influential within society but to also distance themselves from the troublemaker persona that the national and to an extent regional media has created.

Birmingham Teddy Boys, ATV Today (17/8/1973), http://www.macearchive.org/films/atv-today-17081973-birmingham-teddy-boys

However, this call for unity in 1957 came at a time when Teddy Boys were in decline, as tastes in fashion had changed and the popularity of the group was being overshadowed by the emergence of the Mods and Rockers.[23] Despite the decline of Teddy Boys, ATV in January 1973 confirmed that Teddy Boys continued to be a functioning group within Birmingham. Reporter Chris Tarrant exposed how the Teddy Boys, or rather now men, continued to embrace the fashion identity and distanced from modern fashion. By the 1970s the majority of people who partook in youth sub-cultures had got married and settled down ‘like everyone else’.[24] Whilst most of the older Teds in the report are married, they continue to a part of this group. The continual existence of the Teddy Boys even after its heyday confirms that the Ted movement continued to be appealing. Indeed, ATV Today and Midlands News’s coverage of the Teddy Boys confirms that they were a popular topic in both television and newspapers, even after the post-war era. Although ATV presented their pieces on the Teds as cultural, they also confirm how this youth culture continued to be influential despite the growing and eventual surpassing of the Mods and Rockers. Midlands News’s use of revealing a different narrative of the Teds highlights that the group had support from both its members and some of society, at a time when the movement was generally opposed. Moreover, the coverage of the Teds being influential validates the purpose of the Teds of not what they did, but the importance of popularising their youth culture and the ones that followed. Although the media focused on the Teds creating moral and cultural disorder, their actions were not as dramatic as those depicted in the clashes between the Mod and Rockers.

For many people, they find it impossible to talk about the Mods without also discussing their famous rivals, the Rockers. Mod culture developed in the early 1960s and by 1964 the embodiment of what had become associated with continental culture and fashion had been replaced by the more widely known second incarnation. This version of Mod became instantly recognisable within youth sub-cultures. The typical second-wave Mod wore a smart shirt, short boxed-shaped jacket, narrow trousers, gleaming black boots and hair cropped neatly.[25] In comparison, the Rockers took their inspiration from America. They wore leather jackets, often with metal studs, white t-shirts, tight blue jeans, cowboy boots and wore their hair long and greasy.[26] Yet the differences in appearance also extended to geographical and class divisions. Although both groups emerged during the early 1960s from London suburbs, the Mods started from a small group of fashion-conscious teenagers in North London, whereas the Rocker originated predominantly from South London.[27] Therefore, both groups were distinctly opposite in almost every way, apart from their intention to partake in youth sub-cultures. By 1962-3 the Mods and Rockers divisions already existed, but by 1964 this had greatly intensified.[28] The lack of amicability between the two groups, signified partly the typical gang rivalries, but also the genuine class division. To the middle-class Mods, the Rockers were backwards, primitive and uncouth; to the working-class Rockers, the Mods were pretentious, precious and effeminate.[29] This division can readily be found in both newspaper and television reports. Daily Mail reporter Brian Saxton revealed that a Rocker described Mods as ‘lots of sissies. Some of them wear make-up. Right lot of pansies they are! Rockers hate Mods-nothing serious mind you’.[30] Although Saxton highlights the divisions between the groups, the Rockers downplay that it is serious, thus suggesting it is more of a rivalry. Indeed, the ATV report on ‘Cheltenham Mods and Rockers’ shown in September 1965, at the height of the division, also supports this notion with a Rocker stating, ‘Mods put lipstick on their face. They’re pansies’.[31] Both regional and national news confirm that the Rockers belittled the status of Mods within youth sub-culture. The ATV report focuses on the reactions to the recent disputes in the Montpellier district of Cheltenham. Both groups claim that the other started the fight with the Rockers claiming that ‘ten Mods beat up a Rocker’, whilst the Mods maintain that ‘we don’t cause any trouble, but then the greasers started causing trouble, kicking scooters, pushing around smaller people than them’.[32] The ATV report concentrates on sensationalising this incident through capturing the hostility to strengthen the perception that youth sub-cultures were a negative aspect of society. This national and regional youth debate can be viewed as another way of discussing the post-war society.[33] Yet this youth debate intensified with the increased clashes between both groups both on locally and nationally.

Cheltenham Mods and Rockers, ATV Today (ATV, 28/9/1965). http://www.macearchive.org/films/atv-today-28091965-cheltenham-mods-and-rockers

Many of the media reports relating to the clashes in seaside towns were greatly exaggerated. This is supported by Dominic Sandbrook, who argues that most teenagers caught up in the Clacton conflict of April 1964 had not come to fight, but to wander around with ‘the intention of meeting girls’; they were bored and directionless rather than crazed and looking to fight.[34] Evidently, the moral panics generated from the exaggeration of supposed disturbances like Clacton were not so much about the Mods and Rockers dispute, but about the post-war affluence and sexual freedom they represented.[35] Rockers were left behind from this post-war affluence: they were unfashionable and unglamorous because they appeared to be class-bound. Imagery projected by the media conveyed them as thugs which they had inherited from the Teds; in comparison, Mods were seen to the lead youth sub-cultures.[36] Hence Mods were considered by themselves and society to be superior to the Rockers. Regardless of this opposition, both groups were responsible for facilitating thousands of young men and women to mobilise to create the first successful collective geographical youth sub-cultures in Britain.[37] Whilst the expression of Mods was real enough, the commercial exploitation of fashion and television programmes such as Ready Steady Go! enabled them to dominant.[38] The dominance of this youth sub-culture encouraged the Mods to become a wide spread national movement which not only inspired fashion and television programmes but also enabled ordinary people to participate. For many young people like Marilyn who identified a Mod, her involvement was based on the ‘music and fashion’ she enjoyed, and not because she was involved in the disputes with the Rockers.[39] Clearly, this account demonstrates Marilyn enjoying her youth and being on the edge of Mod sub-culture. Hence enjoyment in conjunction with freedom was central to the popular memory of 1960s youth sub-culture. This is supported by Becky Conekin, who contends how this sub-culture offered a ‘more complex subcultural opportunity for girls’ mainly because it was located within working-class teenage consumerism.[40] Most youngsters who linked themselves with these sub-cultures were manufactured by consumerism rather than the rebellion, and their main interests, therefore, reflect those dominant values and are no means are in opposition.[41] Consequently, this dilutes the original ideas of what it was to be either a Mod or Rocker. Teenage cultures were evolving in the post-war era with the consumerism focus of Mods paving the way for the introduction and acceptance of the teenager as a social category.

To conclude, both regional and national media played heavily on the image of the delinquent youths when discussing 1950s and 1960s youth sub-cultures. This diverse range of youth groups in post-war Britain was not limited to class and or gender.[42] By itself, the coverage from ATV Today and Midlands News cannot completely reveal the impact of youth sub-cultures in the Midlands. However, it does determine how all three group were presented within the media, particularly focusing on the division from both the rest of society and other youth sub-cultures. Moreover, Midlands News does differ from national media by presenting a more sympathetic stance, revealing how the Teddy Boys were frustrated with police attention and wanted to unite to form a coherent group. The development of consumerism throughout the post-war era was vital to cultivating the ‘affluent teenager’. Evidently, this focus on the teenage market did not only promote youth sub-cultures but also changed the ideals of these groups as they became more mainstream. However, further study would be required to evaluate the impact youth sub-cultures had on society and how different television programmes aired by the BBC and other regional news programmes depicted these groups.

 

Notes

[1] Stephen Brooke, ‘Gender and Working-class Identity in Britain during the 1950s’, Journal of Social History 34 (2001), 773-795 (773).

[2] Dominic Sandbrook, White Heat: A History of Britain in The Swinging Sixties (London, 2006), 205.

[3] Mark Abrams, The Teenage Consumer (London, 1959), 3.

[4] ‘Teddy Boys Conference’, Midlands News (ATV, 3/11/1958), MACE, University of Lincoln. http://www.macearchive.org/films/midlands-news-03111958-teddy-boys-conference

[5] ‘Birmingham Teddy Boys’, ATV Today (ATV, 17/8/1973), MACE, University of Lincoln. http://www.macearchive.org/films/atv-today-17081973-birmingham-teddy-boys

[6] ‘Cheltenham Mods and Rockers’, Midlands News (ATV, 28/9/1965), MACE, University of Lincoln. http://www.macearchive.org/films/atv-today-28091965-cheltenham-mods-and-rockers

[7] Alright in the 1960s (Channel 4, 5/1/2018), BOB National Archive. https://learningonscreen.ac.uk/ondemand/index.php/prog/0AF0DEDE?bcast=125853939#

[8] Bill Osgerby, ‘“Well, It’s Saturday Night an’ I Just Got Paid”: Youth, Consumerism and Hegemony in Post-War Britain’, Contemporary Record 6 (1992), 287-305 (293).

[9] Andrew August, ‘Gender and 1960s Youth Culture: The Rolling Stones and the New Woman’, Contemporary British History 23 (2009), 79-100 (81).

[10] Ibid, 81.

[11] Mike Brown, The 1960s Look: Recreating the Fashions of the Sixties (Sevenoaks, 2016), 58.

[12] Osgerby, ‘Well, It’s Saturday Night an’ I Just Got Paid’, 290.

[13] Jonathon Green, All Dressed Up: The Sixties and the Counterculture (London, 1999), 3.

[14] Richard Grayson, ‘Mods, Rockers and Juvenile Delinquency in 1964: The Government Response’, Contemporary British History 12 (1998), 19-47 (23).

[15] Selina Todd and Hilary Young, ‘Baby-boomers to ‘“Beanstalkers”: Making the Modern Teenager in Post-war Britain’, Cultural and Social History 9 (2012), 451-467 (463).

[16] Stanley Cohen, Folk Devils and Moral Panics: The Creation of Mod and Rockers (London, 2002), 204.

[17] Nick Bentley, ‘New Elizabethans: The Representation of Youth Sub-cultures in 1950s British Fiction’, Literature & History 19 (2010), 16-33 (25).

[18] Arthur Marwick, The Sixties: Cultural Revolution in Britain, France, Italy, and the United States 1958-1974 (Oxford, 1998), 77.

[19] ‘Initials Carved on Arms of Schoolmates’, The Times, 25 June 1954, 3.

[20] Bentley, ‘New Elizabethans’, 18.

[21] ‘Teddy Boys Conference’, http://www.macearchive.org/films/midlands-news-03111958-teddy-boys-conference

[22] Ibid.

[23] Grayson, ‘Mods, Rockers and Juvenile Delinquency in 1964’, 25.

[24] Brian Saxton, ‘Down among the Young Ones’, Daily Mail, 6 April 1964, 12.

[25] Sandbrook, White Heat, 206.

[26] Ibid, 207.

[27] David Fowler, ‘From Jukebox Boys to Revolting Students: Richard Hoggart and the Study of British Youth Culture’, International Journal of Cultural Studies 10 (2007), 73-84 (75).

[28] Cohen, Folk Devils and Moral Panics, 210.

[29] Sandbrook, White Heat, 207.

[30] Saxton, ‘Down among the young ones’.

[31] ‘Cheltenham Mods and Rockers’, http://www.macearchive.org/films/atv-today-28091965-cheltenham-mods-and-rockers

[32] ‘Cheltenham Mods and Rockers’, http://www.macearchive.org/films/atv-today-28091965-cheltenham-mods-and-rockers

[33] Osgerby, ‘Well, It’s Saturday Night an’ I Just Got Paid’, 288.

[34] Sandbrook, White Heat, 206.

[35] Arnold Hunt, ‘“Moral Panic” and Moral Language in the Media’, British Journal of Sociology 48 (1997), 629-648 (631).

[36] Cohen, Folk Devils and Moral Panics, 211.

[37] Fowler, ‘From Jukebox Boys to Revolting Students’, 75.

[38] Cohen, Folk Devils and Moral Panics, 211.

[39] Helena Mills, ‘Using the Personal to Critique the Popular: Women’s Memories of 1960s Youth’, Contemporary British History 30 (2016), 463-483 (473).

[40] Becky Conekin, ‘Fashioning Mod: Twiggy and the Moped in “Swinging” London’, History and Technology 28 (2012), 209-215 (211).

[41] Osgerby, ‘Well, It’s Saturday Night an’ I Just Got Paid’, 290.

[42] Bentley, ‘New Elizabethans’, 16.